From Sarah Palin's Facebook page earlier this evening:
Many have asked to see my remarks as presented in Hong Kong. Here is an excerpt:
So far, I’ve given you the view from Main Street, USA. But now I’d
like to share with you how a Common Sense Conservative sees the world
at large.
Later this year, we will celebrate the 20th anniversary of the fall of
the Berlin Wall – an event that changed not just Europe but the entire
world. In a matter of months, millions of people in formerly captive
nations were freed to pursue their individual and national ambitions.
The competition that defined the post World War II era was suddenly
over. What was once called “the free world” had so much to celebrate –
the peaceful end to a great power rivalry and the liberation of so many
from tyranny’s grip.
Some, you could say, took the celebration too far. Many spoke of a
“peace dividend,” of the need to focus on domestic issues and spend
less time, attention and money on endeavors overseas. Many saw a
peaceful future, where globalization would break down borders and lead
to greater global prosperity. Some argued that state sovereignty would
fade – like that was a good thing? – that new non-governmental actors
and old international institutions would become dominant in the new
world order.
As we all know, that did not happen. Unfortunately, there was no
shortage of warning signs that the end of the Cold War did not mean the
end of history or the end of conflict. In Europe, the breakup of
Yugoslavia resulted in brutal wars in the Balkans. In the Middle East,
a war was waged to reverse Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait. North
Korea’s nuclear program nearly led to military conflict. In Africa,
U.S. embassies were bombed by a group called al Qaeda.
Two weeks ago, America commemorated the 8th anniversary of the savagery
of September 11, 2001. The vicious terrorist attacks of that day made
clear that what happened in lands far distant from American shores
directly affect our security. We came to learn, if we did not know
before, that there were violent fanatics who sought not just to kill
innocents, but to end our way of life. Their attacks have not been
limited to the United States.
They attacked targets in Europe, North Africa and throughout the Middle
East. Here in Asia, they killed more than 200 in a single attack in
Bali. They bombed the Marriott Hotel and the Australian Embassy in
Jakarta. Last year in Mumbai, more than 170 were killed in coordinated
attacks in the heart of India’s financial capital. In this struggle
with radical Islamic extremists, no part of the world is safe from
those who bomb, maim and kill in the service of their twisted vision.
This war – and that is what it is, a war – is not, as some have said, a
clash of civilizations. We are not at war with Islam. This is a war
within Islam, where a small minority of violent killers seeks to impose
their view on the vast majority of Muslims who want the same things all
of us want: economic opportunity, education, and the chance to build a
better life for themselves and their families. The reality is that al
Qaeda and its affiliates have killed scores of innocent Muslim men,
women and children.
The reality is that Muslims from Algeria, Indonesia, Iraq, Afghanistan
and many other countries are fighting al Qaeda and their allies today.
But this will be a long war, and it will require far more than just
military power to prevail. Just as we did in the Cold War, we will need
to use all the tools at our disposal – hard and soft power. Economic
development, public diplomacy, educational exchanges, and foreign
assistance will be just as important as the instruments of military
power.
During the election campaign in the U.S. last year, you might have
noticed we had some differences over Iraq. John McCain and I believed
in the strength of the surge strategy – because of its success, Iraq is
no longer the central front in the war on terrorism. Afghanistan is.
Afghanistan is where the 9/11 attacks were planned and if we are not
successful in Afghanistan, al Qaeda will once again find safe haven
there. As a candidate and in office, President Obama called Afghanistan
the “necessary war” and pledged to provide the resources needed to
prevail. However, prominent voices in the Democratic Party are opposing
the additional U.S. ground forces that are clearly needed.
Speaker of the House Pelosi, Defense Subcommittee Chairman Murtha, the
Senate Armed Services Committee Chair, and many others, recently
expressed doubts about sending additional forces! President Obama will
face a decision soon when the U.S. Commander in Afghanistan requests
additional forces to implement his new counterinsurgency strategy.
We can win in Afghanistan by helping the Afghans build a stable
representative state able to defend itself. And we must do what it
takes to prevail. The stakes are very high. Last year, in the midst of
the U.S. debate over what do to in Iraq, an important voice was heard –
from Asia’s Wise Man, former Singaporean Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew,
who wrote in the Washington Post about the cost of retreat in Iraq. In
that article, he prophetically addressed the stakes in Afghanistan. He
wrote:
“The Taliban is again gathering strength, and a Taliban victory in
Afghanistan or Pakistan would reverberate throughout the Muslim world.
It would influence the grand debate among Muslims on the future of
Islam. A severely retrograde form of Islam would be seen to have
defeated modernity twice: first the Soviet Union, then the United
States. There would be profound consequences, especially in the
campaign against terrorism.”
That statesman’s words remain every bit as true today. And Minister Lee
knows, and I agree, that our success in Afghanistan will have
consequences all over the world, including Asia. Our allies and our
adversaries are watching to see if we have the staying power to protect
our interests in Afghanistan. That is why I recently joined a group of
Americans in urging President Obama to devote the resources necessary
in Afghanistan and pledged to support him if he made the right
decision.
That is why, even during this time of financial distress we need to
maintain a strong defense. All government spending should undergo
serious scrutiny. No programs or agencies should be automatically
immune from cuts.
We need to go back to fiscal discipline and unfortunately that has not
been the view of the current Administration. They’re spending
everywhere and with disregard for deficits and debts and our future
economic competitiveness. Though we are engaged in two wars and face a
diverse array of threats, it is the defense budget that has seen
significant program cuts and has actually been reduced from current
levels!
First, the Defense Department received only ½ of 1 % of the nearly
trillion dollar Stimulus Package funding – even though many military
projects fit the definition of “shovel-ready.” In this Administration’s
first defense budget request for 2010, important programs were reduced
or cancelled. As the threat of ballistic missiles from countries like
North Korea and Iran grow, missile defense was slashed.
Despite the need to move men and material by air into theaters like
Afghanistan, the Obama Administration sought to end production of our
C-17s, the work horse of our ability to project long range power.
Despite the Air Force saying it would increase future risk, the Obama
Administration successfully sought to end F-22 production – at a time
when both Russia and China are acquiring large numbers of next
generation fighter aircraft. It strikes me as odd that Defense
Secretary Gates is the only member of the Cabinet to be tasked with
tightening his belt.
Now in the region I want to emphasize today: The reason I speak about
defense is because our strong defense posture in Asia has helped keep
the region safe and allowed it to prosper. Our Asian allies get nervous
if they think we are weakening our security commitments. I worry about
defense cuts not because I expect war but because I so badly want
peace. And the region has enjoyed peace for so long because of our
security commitment to our longstanding allies and partners.
Asia has been one of the world’s great success stories. It is a region
where America needs to assist with right mix of hard and soft power.
While I have so much hope for a bright future in Asia, in a region this
dynamic, we must always be prepared for other contingencies. We must
work at this – work with our allies to ensure the region’s continued
peace and prosperity.
I know that you all -- like all of Asia and indeed the whole world –
has a keen interest in the emergence of “China as a great power.” Over
the past few decades China’s economic growth has been remarkable. So
has the economic growth and political liberalization of all of our key
allies in Asia, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Asia’s economic growth
and political development, together with our forward military presence
in the region and strong alliances, have allowed the region to prosper
in peace for a long time. We hope that Asia will continue to be an
engine of world economic growth, will continue to democratize and will
remain at peace.
Our future is now deeply linked to Asia’s success. Our children’s
future. We must continue to strengthen our key alliance with Japan, a
country going through its own democratic change. Together the U.S. and
Japan built the security umbrella under which so many Asians prospered.
While there is so much attention to China these days, we cannot forget
the importance of Japan in helping to make this the “Pacific Century.”
The recent elections in Japan demonstrated that voters wanted reform
and an end to debt and stagnation. We have a substantial stake in
Japan’s success -- our alliance with must continue to be the linchpin
of regional security.
With its open political system and vibrant democracy, South Korea wants
to play a larger role on the international stage as well. Of course it
wants us to work together toward a future where the peninsula is
irreversibly denuclearized, and unified. But it also wants to play a
global role. We need to work together with Japan, South Korea and our
steadfast ally to the south, Australia, to make sure Asia remains
peaceful and prosperous.
Australia rightly reminds us to keep our eye on Southeast Asia, where
Indonesia has proved that Islam and democracy can co-exist. Indonesia
has fought extremism inside its own border and is consolidating a
multi-ethnic democracy that is home to hundreds of millions of Muslims.
Those who say Islam and democracy are incompatible insult our friends
in Indonesia.
Our great democratic friend India is also “looking East”, seeking a
greater role in East Asia as well. Together with our allies we must
help integrate India into Asia. If we do so we will have yet another
strong democracy driving Asia’s economy and working on shared problems
such as proliferation and extremism. And we must continue working with
the region’s most dynamic economy, China. We all hope that China’s
stated policy of a “Peaceful Rise” will be its future course.
You know better than most the enormous change that has taken place in
China over the last thirty years. Hundreds of millions of Chinese have
been pulled out of poverty as China has undertaken economic reforms
that have resulted in unprecedented growth. Even today, China’s economy
is projected to grow by some 8%. It is helping to edge the world out of
recession.
China has amassed huge financial reserves. Chinese diplomats are
engaged on every continent and, through its vote on the United Nations
Security Council, China has become critical in gaining UN support on
multilateral issues from Darfur to Iran to North Korea.
Just four years ago, then-Deputy Secretary of State Bob Zoellick urged
China to become a “responsible stakeholder” in the international
system. He observed the many benefits to China of a “benign
international environment.”
The peaceful regional environment that China has enjoyed was created
through the hard work of Americans, Japanese, South Koreans and
Australians. Secretary Zoellick urged China to step up and play its
role too. We are working with China to de-nuclearize North Korea. But
to be a responsible member of the international community China should
exert greater pressure on North Korea to denuclearize and undergo the
fundamental reforms it needs. Zoellick urged China to play a greater
role in stabilizing the international energy market by ceasing its
support of dangerous regimes.
China could play a role in stabilizing its ally Pakistan, and working
for peace in Afghanistan. There are many areas where the U.S. and China
can work together. And, we would welcome a China that wanted to assume
a more responsible and active role in international politics.
But Secretary Zoellick also noted that many of China’s actions
create risk and uncertainty. These uncertainties led nations to “hedge”
their relations with China because, in Zoellick’s words: “Many
countries HOPE China will pursue a ‘Peaceful Rise’ but NONE will bet
their future on it.”
See: this is the heart of the issue with China: we engage with the hope
Beijing becomes a responsible stakeholder, but we must takes steps in
the event it does not. See? We all hope to see a China that is stable,
peaceful, prosperous and free. But we must also work with our allies in
the region and the world in the event China goes in a direction that
causes regional instability.
Asia is at its best when it is not dominated by a single power. In
seeking Asia’s continued peace and prosperity, we should seek, as we
did in Europe, an Asia “whole and free” – free from domination by any
one power, prospering in open and free markets, and settling political
differences at ballot boxes and negotiating tables.
We can, must and should work with a “rising China” to address issues of
mutual concern. But we also need to work with our allies in addressing
the uncertainties created by China’s rise. We simply CANNOT turn a
blind eye to Chinese policies and actions that can undermine
international peace and security.
China has some 1000 missiles aimed at Taiwan and no serious observer
believes Taiwan poses a military threat to Beijing. Those same Chinese
forces make our friends in Japan and Australia nervous. China provides
support for some of the world’s most questionable regimes from Sudan to
Burma to Zimbabwe. China’s military buildup raises concerns from Delhi
to Tokyo because it has taken place in the absence of any discernable
external threat.
China, along with Russia, has repeatedly undermined efforts to impose
tougher sanctions on Iran for its defiance of the international
community in pursuing its nuclear program. The Chinese food and product
safety record has raised alarms from East Asia and Europe to the United
States. And, domestic incidents of unrest -- from the protests of
Uighurs and Tibetans, to Chinese workers throughout the country
rightfully make us nervous.
It is very much in our interest and the interest of regional stability
that China work out its own contradictions – between a dynamic and
entrepreneurial private sector on the one hand and a one party state
unwilling or unable to adjust to its own society’s growing needs and
desires and demands, including a human being’s innate desire for
freedom.
I do not cite these issues out of any hostility toward China. Quite the
contrary, I and all Americans of good faith hope for the Chinese
people’s success. We welcome the rise that can be so good for all
mankind. We simply urge China to rise responsibly. I simply believe we
cannot ignore areas of disagreement as we seek to move forward on areas
of agreement. Believe me, China does not hesitate to tell us when it
thinks we are in the wrong.
I mentioned China’s internal contradictions. They should concern us
all. We hear many Chinese voices throughout that great country calling
out for more freedom, and for greater justice. Twenty years ago, many
believed that as China liberalized its economy, greater political
freedom would naturally follow. Unfortunately that has not come to
pass.
Ummm, in fact, it seems China has taken great pains to learn what it
sees as “the lesson” of the fall on the Berlin Wall and the demise of
the Soviet Union: any easing of political constraints can inevitably
spin out of control. But, in many ways, it is the essence of China’s
political system that leads to concerns about its rise.
Think about it. How many books and articles have been written about the
dangers of India’s rise? Almost as large as China – and soon to be more
populous – virtually no one worries about the security implications of
India becoming a great power – just as a century ago the
then-preeminent power, Great Britain, worried little about the rise of
America to great power status. My point is that the more politically
open and just China is, the more Chinese citizens of every ethnicity
will settle disputes in courts rather than on the streets. The more
open it is, the less we will be concerned about its military build-up
and intentions. The more transparent China is, the more likely it is
they we will find a true and lasting friendship based on shared values
as well as interests.
I am not talking about some U.S.-led “democracy crusade.” We cannot
impose our values on other counties. Nor should we seek to. But the
ideas of freedom, liberty and respect for human rights are not U.S.
ideas, they are much more than that. They are enshrined in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and many other international
covenants and treaties. They apply to citizens in Shanghai as much as
they do to citizens in Johannesburg or Jakarta. And demands for liberty
in China are Chinese, not American, demands. Just last year, many brave
Chinese signed Charter 08, a Chinese document modeled on the great
Czech statesman Vlacav Havel’s Charter 77. Charter 08 would not be
unfamiliar to our Founding Fathers and was endorsed by Havel himself.
No, we need not convince the Chinese people that they have inalienable
rights. They are calling for those rights themselves. But we do have to
worry about a China where the government suppresses the liberties its
people hold dear.
Nothing of what I am saying should be seen as meaning conflict with
China is inevitable. Quite the contrary. As I said, we welcome China’s
responsible rise. America and China stood together against fascism
during World War II, before ravages took over in China – we were ready
to stand together with China to shape international politics after
World War II. Much has been accomplished since President Nixon’s
fateful visit. And again, we stand ready to work with what we hope will
be a more open and responsible China on the challenges facing the 21st
century.
All of you here know how deeply integrated the economies of the United
States’ and China’s are. We rely on each other, sometimes unfortunately
in unhealthy ways. America spends too much that we don’t have, and then
we go to China as a lender of first resort. Our fiscal policy, lately,
seems to be “tax, spend, borrow, tax some more, repeat” and then
complain about how much debt China holds. America needs to gets its own
fiscal house in order. That’s a Common Sense Conservative perspective.
We can hardly complain that China holds so much of our debt when it’s
over spending that created the debt.
But here’s the reality. If in fact the United States does the “right”
thing – if we spend less and save more – then China will also have to
rebalance its economy. We need to export more to China – and we’d like
China to consume more of our goods – just as we need to save and invest
more. This vital process – so crucial to both countries – is impeded by
problems of market access.
We must talk about these issues with more candor. If China adopts
policies that keep our highest value products out of their markets, by
manipulating technical standards or licensing requirements, our
economic relationship suffers.
Our economic interdependence drives our relationship with China. I see
a future of more trade with China and more American high-tech goods in
China. But in order for that to happen, we need China to improve its
rule of law and protect our intellectual property. We need to avoid
protectionism and China’s flirtation with state-assisted “national
champions.” On our part, we should be more open to Chinese investment
where our national security interests are not threatened. In the end,
though, our economic relationship will truly thrive when Chinese
citizens and foreign corporations can hold the Chinese government
accountable when their actions are unjust.
I see a bright future for America in Asia. One based on the alliances
that have gotten us this far, one based on free and open markets, one
that integrates democratic India into East Asia’s political life and
one in which China decides to be a responsible member of the
international community and gives its people the liberty – the freedom
– they so desperately want.
Sadly, however, our largest free trade agreement ever in Asia, with
South Korea, sits frozen in the Congress. In contrast, China is
behaving wisely in negotiating free trade agreements throughout Asia.
We want an Asia open to our goods and services. But if we do not get
our free trade act together, we will be shut out by agreements Asians
our making among themselves.
All of you here follow global financial markets and economic policy
closely, I know that it will come as no surprise to you that United
States leadership on global trade and investment is being sorely tested
at this moment.
We are struggling with a monumental debate on whether fiscal
discipline, or massive government spending, will drive a sustained
recovery. We are struggling to repair the excesses that grew in our own
economy and served as a trigger to a catastrophic collapse in the
global financial system. And we are attempting to do so under the
weight of a global imbalance of debt and trade deficits that are not
only unbearable for the world’s mightiest economy, but also
unacceptable in that they foster tensions between global economic
partners like the United States and China.
I am proud to be an American. As someone who has had the tremendous
opportunity to travel throughout the United States and listen to the
concerns of Americans in towns and cities across the country, I can
tell you that there is a sense of despair and even crisis afoot in
America that has the potential to shape our global investment and trade
policies for years, and even decades to come. Never has the leadership
of our government ever been more critical to keeping my country, and
the world, on a path to openness, growth and opportunity in global
trade and investment.
It would of course be a mistake to put the entire burden of restoring
the global economy on the backs of America’s leaders. There is plenty
of work for all of us to do in this matter. Governments around the
world must resist the siren call of trade protection to bring short
term relief during a time of crisis.
Those who use currency policy or subsidies to promote their nation’s
exports should remain acutely aware that if there ever were a time in
which such policies could be viewed as “tolerable,” that time has now
passed. All participants who seek to find benefit in the global trading
system must also take the responsibility of playing by the rules.
The private sector has responsibilities as well. For instance, it
should not be the responsibility of government to dictate the salaries
of bankers or the ownership of companies. And yet, due of the excesses
committed by some, this is exactly where we find ourselves now because
government now owns substantial portions of the private economy – even,
unbelievably, in the United States.
These are challenging times for everyone, but we in the United States
must humbly recognize that if we are to lead and to set the direction
for the rest of the world, it must be by our example and not merely our
words. And we must tread lightly when imposing new burdens on the
imports of other countries.
Well, CLSA: My country is definitely at a crossroad. Polling in the
U.S. shows a majority of Americans no longer believe that their
children will have a better future than they have had...that is a 1st.
When members of America’s greatest generation – the World War II
generation – lose their homes and their life savings because their
retirement funds were wiped after the financial collapse, people feel a
great anger. There is suddenly a growing sentiment to just “throw the
bums out” of Washington, D.C. – and by bums they mean the Republicans
and the Democrats. Americans are suffering from pay cuts and job
losses, and they want to know why their elected leaders are not
tightening their belts. It’s not lost on people that Congress voted to
exempt themselves from the health care plan they are thrusting on the
rest of the nation. There is a growing sense of frustration on Main
Street. But even in the midst of crisis and despair, we see signs of
hope.
In fact, it’s a sea change in America, I believe. Recently, there have
been protests by ordinary Americans who marched on Washington to demand
their government stop spending away their future. Large numbers of
ordinary, middle-class Democrats, Republicans, and Independents from
all over the country marching on Washington?! You know something’s up!
These are the same people who flocked to the town halls this summer to
face their elected officials who were home on hiatus from that distant
capital and were now confronted with the people they represent. Big
town hall meetings – video clips circulating coverage – people
watching, feeling not so alone anymore.
The town halls and the Tea Party movement are both part of a growing
grassroots consciousness among ordinary Americans who’ve decided that
if they want real change, they must take the lead and not wait to be
led. Real change – and, you know, you don’t need a title to do it.
The “Tea Party Movement” is aptly named to remind people of the
American Revolution – of colonial patriots who shook off the yoke of a
distant government and declared their freedom from indifferent –
elitist – rulers who limited their progress and showed them no respect.
Today, Main Street Americans see Washington in similar terms.
When my country again achieves financial stability and economic growth
– when we roar back to life as we shall do – it will be thanks in large
part to the hard work and common sense of these ordinary Americans who
are demanding that government spend less and tax less and allow the
private sector to grow and prosper.
We’re not interested in government fixes; we’re interested in freedom!
Freedom! Our vision is forward looking. People may be frustrated now,
but we’re very hopeful too.
And, after all, why shouldn’t we be? We’re Americans. We’re always hopeful.
Thank you for letting me share some of that hope, and a view from Main Street with you. God Bless You.
